יום שלישי, 21 בפברואר 2017

מהות הקידושין

בגמרא בכמה מקומות משמע שחלות קידושין דומה לחלות הקדש [עי' קידושין ז,ב ונדרים ו,ב תוס' בשולי הגיליון ד"ה יש יד לקידשין], וכותב רבינו [בגיליון הגמרא שלו] "ועיקר הדבר" [אם חלות קידשין היא כחלות הקדש, תלוי בחקירה אם] "על ידי שקניוה לו אסורה לעלמא" [דהיינו האם התהליך מתחיל עם הקנין ומסתעף לחלות קידושין] "או ע"י שאסורה אעלמא קנויה לו" [שמתחיל עם הקידשין ומזה מסתעף הקנין. שאם נאמר כצד השני, שע"י הקידושין היא קנויה לו מובן שמדמים קידושין להקדש אבל עם מתחילים בקנין ורק מזה בא הקידושין, אין לדמות זאת להקדש שהוא בעיקרו קדושה ולא קנין]. 

ומוסיף רבינו שהקנין והאיסור על העולם הם שני גדרים נפרדים, ואפשר אחד בלא השני וכמו יבמה שאסורה לשוק ואין לה קנין אישות. וכמו קידושי חרש וחרשת לשיטת הירושלמי [יבמות פ"ז ה"ד] שרק אסורה אעלמא מדרבנן ואינה קנויה לו. ולפי שיטה אחת, אם חרש נשא בת כהן אינו פוסל אותה מלאכול תרומה מכיון שאין לו קנין בה ולא נקרא "כי תהיה לאיש זר". 


הרב יהודה לייב שפירא האריך בחקירה דומה [קובץ הערות אמור תשע"א]. האם הקידושין חלים עי"ז שהיא קונה הכסף, או להיפך: עי"ז שהיא מקודשת הרי היא קונה הכסף - ונעתיק את דבריו המתוקים:



המקדש באיסור הנאה


בלקו"ש חי"ט (ע' 215) כותב כ"ק אדמו"ר זי"ע וז"ל: מהפסוקים דפרשתינו [פ' תצא] (כד, א-ב) "כי יקח איש אשה ובעלה גו' ויצאה גו' והיתה" ילפינן (בספרי עה"פ. וראה קידושין ד, ב ואילך, ירושלמי ריש קידושין) שהאשה נקנית בכסף בשטר ובביאה. כסף ילפינן מ"כי יקח איש אשה" (כ"ה בספרי ועד"ז בירושלמי שם. ובבבלי (שם ד, ב) מוסיף "אין קיחה אלא בכסף וכה"א נתתי כסף השדה קח ממני", וראה שם ב, א ואילך. ובקה"ע שם מפרש כן בירושלמי. וראה ירושלמי שם להלן).

בגמ' (שם ג, ב) ישנו עוד לימוד שהאשה נקנית בכסף - מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף (משפטים כא, יא) אין כסף לאדון זה אבל יש כסף לאדון אחר (כשיוצאה ממנו - פרש"י קידושין שם ד"ה ויצאה) ומאן ניהו אב" (ובירושלמי שם: כסף בלא ביאה מנין ויצאה חינם אין כסף אם אחרת יקח לו מה זו בכסף אף זו בכסף).

וי"ל שבגדר קידושי כסף ישנו חילוק, האם ילפינן מ"כי יקח איש אשה" שבפרשתינו, או מויצאה חנם אין כסף -

ובהקדים, שבנוגע לקידושי כסף חוקר הרגצ'ובי (שו"ת צפע"נ דווינסק ח"א ס"ג): "אם העילה הוא הקנין ועי"ז מתקדשת או להיפך העילה היא הקידושין ועי"ז היא קונה הדבר" - ז.א.: האם הקידושין חל עי"ז שהיא קונה הכסף, או להיפך: עי"ז שהיא מקודשת הרי היא קונה הכסף.

וי"ל שזהו החילוק בין ב' הלימודים שמהם למדים כסף קידושין - אם מ"כי יקח" או מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף":

בהפסוק "כי יקח אישה אשה" ההדגשה היא על פעולת האיש. משא"כ ב"אין כסף לאדון זה אבל יש כסף לאדון אחר" ההדגשה היא ע"ז שה"אדון" (האב, שהוא במקום (בתו) האשה) מקבל הכסף.

ולכן אם ילפינן קידושי כסף מ"כי יקח איש אשה" - מסתבר לומר, שהקידושין נפעלים ע"י פעולת נתינת הכסף מהבעל - "כי יקח איש" [וזה (הקידושין) פועל שהאשה תקנה הכסף].

משא"כ לפי הלימוד מ"יש כסף לאדון אחר" - מסתבר, ש(נתינת הכסף ע"י הבעל אינו מספיק שתהי' מקודשת, ו) הקידושין נפעלים דוקא ע"י שיש כסף (בעלות על הכסף) - האשה קונה (מקבלת) הכסף. עכ"ל בלקו"ש.

והנה ע"פ ביאור זה של הרבי יש לבאר עוד ענין (בסוגיא אחרת):

אי' בפסחים (כא, ב) "אמר רב גידל אמר ר' חייא בר יוסף אמר ר' יוחנן [ולעיל (ז, א) הגי' הוא: אמר רב (במקום ר"י)] המקדש משש שעות ולמעלה אפילו בחיטי קורדניתא אין חוששין לקידושין". והטעם ע"ז, כי זה אסור בהנאה מדרבנן, וכל דבר שאסור בהנאה אין מקדשין בו, כמפורש במשנה בקידושין (נו, ב), לפי שאין בזה שוה פרוטה.

אמנם בתוס' לקמן (כט, ב סד"ה אין) הקשו הא ליהנות מאיסורי הנאה שלא כדרך הנאתן מותר (כדאי' לקמן כד, ב), וא"כ יש בזה שוה פרוטה, כי יכולה ליהנות מזה שלא כדרך הנאתן, ומדוע אינה מקודשת. וכתבו שמיירי בנדון זה שאינו שוה פרוטה באם יהנה מזה שלא כדרך הנאתן, אבל הוסיפו התוס' שאם אין מקבלים תירוץ זה, קשה מדוע אינה מקודשת.

ובקידושין (שם) הוסיפו התוס' (ד"ה המקדש) עוד תירוץ וז"ל: א"נ י"ל דמיירי שפיר דאיכא שוה פרוטה אף שלא כדרך הנאתו, מ"מ כיון שהאשה סבורה שיש לה ליהנות דרך הנאתן, ואינו כן, לא סמכה דעתה והוי קידושי טעות, עכ"ל.

ובעבודה זרה (סב, א) כתבו התוס' (ד"ה בדמיהן) על המובא שם בנוגע ערלה וכלאי הכרם שאם מכרן וקידש בדמיהן מקודשת - וז"ל: משמע הא בגוף הערלה אסור לקדש, וטעמא משום דלית בה ש"פ. וקשה בגופה נמי איכא ש"פ בשלא כדרך הנאתן, או באפרן כדתנן (תמורה לד, א) כל הנשרפין אפרן מותר, וי"ל כיון שכל זמן שהוא בעין אסור למכרו מה"ת, כמו"כ אסור לקדש בו אשה דהוי חשובה כמו מכירה, ויש בו הנאה כשמקדש את האשה, דגמרינן (קידושין ב, א) קיחה קיחה משדה עפרון, וזה לא דמי לקיחה דשדה עפרון, שראוי לקנות בו חפץ או לשאר הנאות. עכ"ל.

והנה אין ברור כ"כ הפי' בתי' זה של התוס', כי כתבו כמה פרטים ביחד, אבל כנראה יש בהתירוץ עכ"פ נקודה זו: היות וילפינן קידושי כסף מקיחה קיחה דשדה עפרון, לכן צ"ל הכסף (או השוה כסף) ראוי לכל הנאות, כמו כסף (או שוה כסף) שקונים בו שדה, אבל אם הכסף (או השוה כסף) אינו ראוי לכל הנאות, כ"א ליהנות ממנו שלא כדרך הנאתן, אינו יכול לקדש בו אשה, כי אינו דומה לכסף דשדה עפרון.

ולכאו' נראה לפ"ז שהחסרון הזה הוא רק אם ילפינן קידושי כסף מקיחה קיחה, אבל בלא"ה, באם הי' לנו לימוד אחר שאפשר לקדש בכסף, לא הי' זה מוכרח, כי הי' אפ"ל שיש רק תנאי א', שצ"ל שוה פרוטה, (שרק אז ה"ה כסף), אבל מי יאמר שצ"ל דבר כזה שיכול ליהנות ממנו כל הנאות, ורק לפי שמדמין כסף קידושין לכסף דשדה עפרון צ"ל ראוי לכל הנאות.

לפי"ז קשה, דהרי בקידושין "אמר רב יהודה אמר רב דאמר קרא ויצאה חינם אין כסף, אין כסף לאדון זה, אבל יש כסף לאדון אחר, ומאן ניהו אב", הרי שלרב ילפינן קידושין מפסוק אחר, ולכמה שיטות ס"ל לרב שלא ילפינן מקיחה קיחה משדה עפרון,

[כמ"ש כ"ק אדמו"ר זי"ע בלקו"ש (שם הערה 11) וז"ל: בגמרא שם ד, ב: ואיצטריך למיכתב ויצאה חינם ואיצריך למיכתב כי יקח כו'. אבל ראה פרש"י שם לתנא. ובפנ"י שם ד"ה ותנא דמייתי (ובדף ג, ב ד"ה בכסף) כתב דזהו רק לדעת רש"י (דתנא לא ס"ל דלמדין מאין כסף כו'), משא"כ לדעת התוס'. וראה עצמות יוסף שם. (וראה ריטב"א ריש קידושין). וראה תוד"ה כשם שם יג, א. מראה הפנים לירושלמי ריש קידושין בתחילתו (וראה פרש"י שם ו, ב ד"ה אינה מקודשת. אבני מילואים סי' כח סקט"ז. ועוד).

ולהעיר שבסהמ"צ להרמב"ם מ"ע רי"ג, ובחינוך מצוה תקנב הביאו הלימוד שהאשה נקנית בכסף מאמרו באמה עברי' (ויצאה חינם) אין כסף כו'. אבל בהל' אישות (פ"ג ה"כ) כתב הרמב"ם "שנאמר כי יקח איש אשה ואמרו חכמים לקוחין אלו יהיו בכסף שנאמר כו'". עכ"ל בלקו"ש].

א"כ קשה - לרב שלא יליף קידושי כסף מקיחה קיחה, מדוע אין לקדש באיסורי הנאה (לתי' זה של התוס'), הרי יש ליהנות בזה ש"פ שלא כדרך הנאתן.

ובפרט שבעל המימרא בנדו"ד, בנוגע חמץ בפסח, הוא רב (להגי' בדף ז. א וכ"ה לכמה גי' גם כאן בדף כא, ב), והוא הוא הס"ל שילפינן קידושי כסף מויצאה חנם, ולא מקיחה קיחה.

אמנם עפהנ"ל שחידש הרבי שאם ילפינן קידושי כסף מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף", "העילה היא הקנין ועי"ז מתקדשת", יש לתרץ הקושיא, כי לפי חידושו של הרבי נמצא שאם ילפינן קידושי כסף מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף", ה"ז אדרבה סיבה יותר שנתינת הכסף לקידושין צ"ל בדומה ממש לכל קניני כסף, כי לפועל מקנה הוא הכסף לה כמו שמקנים כסף גרידא ע"י מתנה או מכירה, כי לפי לימוד זה זהו גדר כסף קידושין, שתחלה מקנה לה הכסף, ככל קניני ממונות, ועי"ז נעשית מקודשת לו, משא"כ אם ילפינן מקיחה קיחה, ה"ז גדר חדש, גדר של קידושין, שאי"ז קנין ככל קניני כסף, אלא שכשנעשית מקודשת, עי"ז נקנה לה הכסף.

וא"כ סברת התוס' שקידושי כסף צ"ל באופן "שראוי לקנות בו חפץ או לשאר הנאות" (ולכן באם האופן היחידי שיכולה ליהנות ממנו הוא רק שלא כדרך הנאתן, אינה מקודשת). מתאים ביותר באם למדים קידושי כסף מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף", כי אז צ"ל קנין כמו כל קנינים, שכשמקנים דבר לשני ה"ז "שראוי לקנות בו חפץ או לשאר הנאות".

ובמילא מתורצת הקושיא הנ"ל שלכאו' לרב שילפינן קידושי כסף מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף" אין מתאים תירוץ התוס' - אינו כן, כי אדרבה, לפי ביאור הרבי, לפי לימוד זה ה"ז מתאים יותר.

ואף שהתוס' נקטו "דגמרינן קיחה קיחה משדה עפרון, וזה לא דמי לקיחה דשדה עפרון" - עפהנ"ל כוונת התוס' היא לא שרק ללימוד זה אפ"ל התירוץ, כ"א להיפך: התוס' מחדשים שגם ללימוד זה אפ"ל תירוץ זה, כלומר: אם ילפינן מ"ויצאה חנם אין כסף" פשוט שצ"ל קנין ככל הקנינים "שראוי לקנות בו חפץ או לשאר הנאות", שהרי אז צריכה לקנות הכסף בקנין רגיל, כמו כל פעם שמישהו קונה כסף (שהרי ללימוד זה "העילה היא הקנין ועי"ז מתקדשת"), והתוס' מחדשים שגם אם ילפינן מקיחה קיחה משדה עפרון (שאז "העילה היא הקידושין ועי"ז היא קונה הדבר"), גם אז אפ"ל תירוץ זה. כי (אף שאי"ז קנין רגיל כ"א דין מיוחד של קידושין, מ"מ) סו"ס צ"ל בדומה לקיחה דשדה עפרון, ואם אין ליהנות ממנו כ"א שלא כדרך הנאתן "זה לא דמי לקיחה דשדה עפרון שראוי לקנות בו חפץ או לשאר הנאות".



נכתב בנושא הזה הרבה מאד ואנחנו לא נאריך. 

יום ראשון, 19 בפברואר 2017

Why Didn't Chizkiyahu Sing Shirah?



1) CHIZKIYAHU'S FAILURE TO PRAISE HASH-M FOR THE MIRACULOUS VICTORY 
QUESTION: Hash-m wanted to make Chizkiyahu ha'Melech into Mashi'ach, and to make Sancheriv into Gog u'Magog, and to bring the final Ge'ulah in his time. However, because Chizkiyahu did not say Shirah to Hash-m in gratitude for the miracles that He did for Chizkiyahu, Hash-m did not make him Mashi'ach. This is alluded to by the "Mem Sofis," the closed final Mem that appears at the beginning of the word, "l'Marbeh" (Yeshayah 9:6), in the verse that discusses Chizkiyahu's successful reign.

Why indeed did Chizkiyahu not say Shirah for such a tremendous miracle?

(The Midrash (Shir ha'Shirim Rabah 4:19) states that Chizkiyahu did not say Shirah because of his arrogance. When Yeshayah asked him why he did not say Shirah, he answered that "everyone knows already how wondrous are the ways of Hash-m. They saw how Hash-m stopped the sun in the middle of the sky." However, Chizkiyahu certainly justified his actions and did not think that they were done out of arrogance. What was his justification for his actions? (See EMEK BERACHAH, at the end of his discussion of Hallel.))

ANSWERS: 
(a) The MARGOLIYOS HA'YAM cites the EIN ELIYAHU who explains that it is not appropriate to say Shirah for every form of salvation. The Gemara earlier (Sanhedrin 39b) teaches that when Yehoshafat went to war with the enemy after receiving prophecy that he would win, the Jews did not say the complete praise of "Hodu la'Shem Ki Tov," but rather they omitted the words "Ki Tov" because the enemy was being decimated and thus it was not proper to sing Shirah. Similarly, when the Mitzrim were drowning in the sea, Hash-m prevented the Mal'achim from saying Shirah.

On the other hand, the Gemara in Berachos (10a) relates that David ha'Melech sang Shirah when he witnessed the downfall of the Resha'im. Apparently, there are two different forms of defeat that the Resha'im could suffer (see MAHARSHA to Berachos 9b, and TZELACH to Berachos 10a). The Zohar (Parshas Noach, 61b; see also Shelah, Parshas Beshalach) actually discusses this point and differentiates between the two forms of defeat of Resha'im as follows. The Zohar says that when Hash-m punishes the wicked after "their measure is full" (i.e. when they have been given every last opportunity to repent, and they reject them all), He rejoices in their demise. In contrast, when He punishes them before their "limit" has been reached, instead of rejoicing there is sorrow before Him. The Zohar continues and explains why Hash-m would destroy people before their time has come. The Zohar answers that sometimes the wicked bring upon themselves a premature end. When the evildoers pose an immediate threat to the Jewish nation, Hash-m finds it necessary to destroy them without delay. When this happens, Hash-m is not pleased with the premature destruction of the wicked. This was the case when the Mitzrim were drowned in the sea and when Yehoshafat's armies conquered the forces of Moav.

The reason for this is clear. Hash-m prefers to see the evildoer mend his ways rather than to have to destroy him. This is why Hash-m gives a person plenty of time to repent, even after the person sins. However, even this merciful reprieve has its limits. A person's time to be taken from this world eventually arrives. At that point, the demise of the sinner is beneficial for both the sinner himself (who will no longer be able to sin) and for the world (which will no longer be able to learn from the evil ways of the sinner), as the Mishnah says earlier (Sanhedrin 71b). The destruction of the wicked sanctifies the Name of Hash-m. When the time for the destruction of the wicked has come, there isjoy before Hash-m. (See Parsha Page, Seventh of Pesach 5756.)

The Ein Eliyahu explains that Chizkiyahu thought that Sancheriv was being destroyed only to save the Jewish people, and that his destined time of punishment had not yet arrived. Therefore, he assumed that Hash-m was not happy with the destruction of Sancheriv and therefore he did not say Shirah. In truth, however, the destined time had come for the destruction of Sancheriv and his army and for the redemption of the people, and therefore Chizkiyahu should have said Shirah.

The Ein Eliyahu's answer is problematic for a number of reasons. First, it is clear that Hash-m destroyed Sancheriv only to save Chizkiyahu.

Second, it is clear from the Gemara that when a Rasha is destroyed to save a Tzadik, the Tzadik who benefits from the miracle certainly is obligated to say Shirah and thank Hash-m for his salvation. His Shirah is to thank Hash-m for his own salvation, and not to thank Hash-m for the destruction of the Rasha. It is only others, such as the Mal'achim at the time of Keri'as Yam Suf, who would be thanking Hash-m for the destruction of the Resha'im as well. This is why the members of Yehoshafat's army did say Shirah, albeit an abridged version, when they went to war. They omitted only the words "Ki Tov," which imply that Hash-m is pleased with what has occurred (as Rashi (39b) explains), and thus it is not appropriate to say "Ki Tov" when the salvation involved the premature destruction of the enemy.

Third, Rashi says that Chizkiyahu had a second reason to say Shirah -- because he recovered from his life-threatening illness. Why did he not say Shirah for that salvation, which did not involve the destruction of any enemies?

(b) The ROGATCHOVER GA'ON in TZAFNAS PANE'ACH (in Hashmatos to Hilchos Berachos 10:11 (printed at the end of Sefer Hafla'ah, p. 55a) and in Teshuvos 2:8, Dvinsk) explains as follows.

The Gemara in Ta'anis (28b) teaches that a Yachid (individual) may not say Hallel whenever he wants, implying that a Tzibur (an entire congregation or community) may say Hallel anytime. TOSFOS in Sukah (44b) explains that the Tzibur which may say Hallel anytime is not a single congregation or community, but the entire nation. The Gemara, he explains, refers to the Hallel which is recited upon being the beneficiary of a miraculous salvation. This form of Hallel is recited only when the miracle was one that saved the entire nation.

What constitutes an "entire nation"? The Gemara in Horayos (5b) and the Yerushalmi in Berachos (9:1) cite an opinion that even an entire Shevet is not considered a "Kahal." Only the entire nation is a "Kahal." It follows that Shirah should not be said for the salvation of the Jewish people unless the entire Jewish people is saved, and not just individual Shevatim. Since, at the time of Chizkiyahu, the Ten Tribes had already been exiled, Chizkiyahu did not deem it appropriate to say Hallel to thank Hash-m for the salvation of only two tribes, since it was not a miracle performed for the salvation of the entire nation. (The same logic might apply to the Shirah for recovering from his illness. Since the king is comparable to the entire nation -- as the Gemara later (95a) teaches with regard to David ha'Melech, and as the Gemara in Ta'anis (9a) teaches with regard to Moshe Rabeinu -- his salvation was one that affected the entire nation. Therefore, had all of the Shevatim been under his rule, he would have been able to say Shirah, but since most of the Shevatim were already exiled he did not say Shirah. -M. Kornfeld)

What, then, was Chizkiyahu's mistake?

The Tzafnas Pane'ach quotes RASHI in Megilah (31a) who writes that the defeat of Sancheriv occurred on the seventh day of Pesach (which is why it is read as that day's Haftarah, according to the Gemara there). On the seventh day of Pesach, Hallel is recited because it is Pesach. However, only the abridged version of Hallel is recited. (The Gemara in Erchin (11a) asserts that Hallel is not said, but it is customary to say the "half-Hallel" on the seventh of Pesach. The RAN in the second Perek of Shabbos cites the RAMBAN who adds that it is even required by Halachah to recite the half-Hallel on the last days of Pesach.)

The Gemara in Ta'anis states that although an individual alone should not say Hallel for the occurrence of a miracle, if he begins to recite Hallel, he should complete the Hallel. Since, on the seventh day of Pesach, the people in Chizkiyahu's time already were saying part of Hallel because of the festival, they should have finished it because of the miracle that occurred on that day in their own time, even though that miracle happened to only a few of the Shevatim. For not reciting the full Hallel, Chizkiyahu was punished.

This is what the Gemara means when it says that the letter Mem became closed because Chizkiyahu's mouth "became closed" (according to one explanation in Rashi). This implies that he was criticized because his mouth was open already in saying Shirah, but he closed it and did not complete the Shirah.

(Actually, Rashi in Megilah does not mention that Sancheriv's army fell on the seventh night of Pesach. He says that the reason why the fall of Sancheriv is read on the seventh day of Pesach is that Sancheriv fell on "the evening of Pesach," that is, on the first night of Pesach (while the Jewish people were eating the Korban Pesach). This is consistent with what Rashi writes in Yeshayah 38:1 and Melachim II 20:1, and with the words of the Midrash (Shemos Rabah 18:5) cited by the TORAS CHAIM (Sanhedrin 95a) and paraphrased in the Piyut, "va'Yehi ba'Chatzi ha'Lailah," which is recited on the first night of Pesach. Accordingly, the Jewish people were not reciting a half-Hallel on the day of Sancheriv's fall. However, Rashi in Yeshayah 9:2-3 and 30:32 cites another Midrash which asserts that the fall of Sancheriv occurred on the second night of Pesach, the day on which the Omer barley is harvested. This is the way the TOSFOS YOM TOV quotes Rashi in Megilah 31b (despite the fact that he references Rashi in Yeshayah 38 which states otherwise), and this is consistent with what the Gemara here teaches, that Chizkiyahu did not recite Hallel on the day that Sancheriv's army fell. This seems to be the Gemara's intention later (95b) when it teaches that the night of Sancheriv's fall was "when grain becomes ripe," that is, it occurred on the night during which the first of the year's grain is harvested. The Tzafnas Pane'ach apparently had in mind these citations from Rashi (that the army of Sancheriv fell on the second night of Pesach) when he wrote his explanation. -M. Kornfeld)

(c) RAV YITZCHAK LEVI zt'l once suggested an explanation for this Gemara based on what Rashi writes in Yeshayah. The verse, "Azi v'Zimras Kah va'Yehi Li li'Yeshu'ah", appears three times in Tanach: in the Shirah the Jewish people said at Keri'as Yam Suf (Shemos 15:2), in the paragraphs of Hallel (Tehilim 118:14), and in Yeshayah (12:2). The verse in Yeshayah contains one additional word: "Azi v'Zimras Kah Hash-m va'Yehi Li li'Yeshu'ah." Rashi there explains that Yeshayah is praising Hash-m for the future defeat of Amalek (at the war of Gog u'Magog). At that point in time, the Name of Hash-m (Yud-Heh) will be complete again. That is why Yeshayah added the full Name of Hash-m to his words of praise.

When the army of Sancheriv was destroyed, it could have been the destruction of all evil from the world, had Chizkiyahu said Shirah. This means that Chizkiyahu did say Shirah, but he did not say the full Shirah with the full Name of Hash-m, denoting the final destruction of all forces of evil. This is alluded to in the Gemara's words when it says that "his mouth closed." Since he did not recognize the victory as the final destruction of all evil, Hash-m in turn made the victory into an ordinary one and not the final victory over all evil.

The same idea explains why the Gemara says that Moshe Rabeinu did not say Shirah until Yisro came and said, "Baruch Hash-m" (Shemos 18:10). What does the Gemara mean when it says that Moshe Rabeinu and the Jewish people did not say Shirah? They said the entire Shirah of "Az Yashir" to thank Hash-m at Keri'as Yam Suf! The answer is that they said "Azi v'Zimras Kah" without the complete Name of Hash-m, while Yisro said the Name of Hash-m, showing that he recognized that the victory could have been the final victory over all evil had the Jewish people been worthy.

2) THE SHARP SWORD OF YISRO 
QUESTION: The Gemara explains that the verse "va'Yichad Yisro" (Shemos 18:9) means that Yisro wielded a sharp ("Chad") sword upon his body, meaning that he circumcised himself.

Why does the Torah allude to his circumcision by such an unusual phrase? The Torah should say either that he circumcised himself, or that he cut himself. Why does the Torah emphasize the sharpness of the blade?

ANSWER: The ROGATCHOVER GA'ON (in Chidushim to the Torah, Parshas Yisro) explains the Gemara as follows. The RAMBAM (Hilchos Melachim 10:8) rules that Bnei Keturah and their descendants are required to circumcise themselves because they are the children of Avraham Avinu (see RASHI to Sanhedrin 59b, DH Bnei Keturah). Yisro -- who came from Midyan, who was one of the Bnei Keturah -- presumably had performed Milah before he became a Ger. What, then, does the Gemara here mean when it says that now he performed Milah?

The MAHARSHA answers that Avraham Avinu and his descendants were commanded to perform only circumcision itself (as the Gemara says in Yevamos 71b), but not the act of Peri'ah, which became obligatory only after Yehoshua brought the Jewish people into Eretz Yisrael. (Although Avraham Avinu performed Peri'ah, as Rashi says at end of Parshas Lech Lecha, Tosfos in Yevamos explains that he did so as "Eino Metzuveh v'Oseh," as he performed all of the Mitzvos that eventually would be given.) Yisro needed to perform Peri'ah, as well as Hatafas Dam Bris, as is done to a child who is born circumcised.

The Gemara in Shabbos (135a) relates that Rav Ada had a child who was born circumcised. When he performed Hatafas Dam Bris, he accidentally made the child into a Kerus Shafchah. The RIF cites RAV HAI GA'ON who warns the Mohel that when he performs Hatafas Dam Bris, he must be very careful and avoid making the child a Kerus Shafchah.

The Rogatchover Ga'on suggests that this is why the verse emphasizes that Yisro used a sharp sword. Since he needed to perform Hatafas Dam Bris, it had to be done with an especially sharp knife so that he would be able to do the Hatafas Dam Bris without harming himself.

dafyomi advancement form

Beis Shammai Vs. Beis Hillel - Abstract Vs. Tangible

Hakirah 15

The Spiritual and the Tangible 

The schools of Shammai and Hillel were intellectual and scholarly rivals for hundreds of years and were major influencers of the development of Torah. Between Hillel and Shammai there were only three (possibly five) disputes. But 3168 arguments between the schools they founded are recorded in the Talmud. Of these arguments, 221 revolve around various halachos, 66 are gezeiros (preventative laws), and 29 are discrepancies over Biblical and legislative interpretations. Despite Shammai’s tendency to be strict and Hillel to be lenient, in 55 of these disputes (fully one-sixth), the school of Shammai ruled on the side of leniency. Many theories have been proposed as to the central (or at least one of the central) differences between the schools. The theories as to the core conceptual difference between the schools range from psychological and hermeneutical, to socio-economic and analytical preferences. The Rogatchover Gaon’s key insight into the core difference between Hillel and Shammai is related to their differing perspectives on the degree to which spiritual versus tangible elements of reality should be taken into account in determining halachah. 

The Talmud (Chagigah 12a) states: “The school of Shammai says, ‘The heavens were created first and then the earth.’ The school of Hillel says, ‘The earth was created first and then the heavens.’” What does this argument revolve around? Is there an underlying theme? Indeed there is. Shammai says the heavens were created first. By heavens, Shammai means spirituality and the intangible. In Shammai’s view, spirituality is the primary determinant in halachah and is the main barometer of reality. It was created first since it is the dominant reality. 

[Spirituality in this context does not have any sort of otherworldly implication. It simply means something that exists in our universe yet is immaterial and lacks concrete substance.] 

Hillel says, however, that in our physical world, material considerations are of primary importance, and one must use the physical spectrum as the dominant factor in deciding halachah. Therefore the earth, meaning physicality, was created first. 

The Rogatchover proceeds to pinpoint this dispute as the epicenter of two Gemaras that seemingly have no connection to this. The Talmud in Shabbos 62b states the following (I paraphrase): 

A woman may not go out on Shabbos carrying a spice bundle (an ornament worn around the neck in which women would place spices so as to create a fragrance) or a flask of balsam oil. If she did go out she has transgressed the Shabbos and is required to bring a korban chatas (an atoning sacrifice in the Temple). This is Rabbi Meir’s opinion. Rabbi Eliezer disagrees and says she has not transgressed the Sabbath and is exempt from a korban. The reason she is exempt is because a pendant containing spice or a small flask containing oil are considered to be in the category of tachshit (ornaments). Items that are categorized as a tachshit are Biblically permitted to be worn on Shabbos since it is not considered carrying when going out with them. Just as wearing a shirt on one’s back is not considered “carrying,” so, too, items that, while not being essential, have aesthetic or secondary uses and benefits are allowed to be worn on one’s person. 

Rabbi Eliezer then qualifies his ruling and states that she is only exempt when the spice bundle contained spices inside and the flask contained oil inside. But if they did not have spice or oil inside them then she is obligated to bring a korban (meaning she has transgressed the Sabbath). Since it is not the norm to wear a pendant or a flask when they are empty, they are not considered ornaments when worn empty. Therefore, since they are not able to be classified as ornaments, they revert to masa (carrying) status. 

[To facilitate a fluid, smooth understanding of the next part of the Gemara, it is necessary to preface the following principle about carrying on Shabbos. In order to transgress the Shabbos it is not enough to simply carry something outside in the public domain. One must carry a certain minimum quantity in order to be Biblically culpable. Each item has its own minimum requirement or shiur. For example, one carrying food must take out (generally) enough food equal to the size of a dried fig. The minimum amount for other objects may be less or more, depending upon the specific item in question. For example, one taking out a vessel such as a jar would be Biblically liable even for carrying out a tiny jar, since one has carried a whole, complete vessel. With food, however, it is not dependent on whether one has carried a complete item, but rather on the amount of food.] 

The Talmud in Shabbos 93b discusses an intriguing case concerning one who takes out a jar containing food, where the food does not satisfy the minimum requirement yet the jar does satisfy the shiur (since it is a complete vessel). What is the din (law)? Seemingly, there should be no question as to their culpability. For the jar (which satisfies the shiur) they are liable, and for the food (which does not) they should not be liable. Yet it is more complex than that. Since the jar is being used as a receptacle for the food, it is viewed as not having its own independent existence and is merely an accessory of the food. Thus, one is not liable for carrying the jar, since it is not its own halachic entity. Rather, it is an extension of the food. Yet for the food one also cannot be liable since the amount of the food is less than the shiur. Thus, counter-intuitively, for carrying out more (the food as well as the jar) one ends up not being liable (as opposed to if one would have just carried out the jar without the food, in which case one would indeed have been liable). The Gemara attempts to deduce something from Rabbi Eliezer’s opinion. Rabbi Eliezer said that when the flask is empty one is liable since then it is not a tachshit (because it is not the normal custom to wear an empty flask). But what about the scent of the balsam oil that still emanates from the flask? Isn’t that comparable to the case brought before where one took out food less than the shiur in a vessel? Here too one is taking out two things: the scent that is wafting from the flask (which is less than the shiur, since scent has no substance to which we could pin a minimum shiur) and the flask itself (which satisfies the shiur since it is a complete vessel). Yet still Rabbi Eliezer holds that one is liable in this case! Is he not arguing on the Mishnah on 93b and forming his own opinion? According to the Mishnah on 93b, one should not be culpable for the scent since it lacks a minimum shiur, and also not for the flask, since the flask is carrying the scent, and is therefore merely an accessory and extension to the smell. 

The Talmud answers that these two cases are not conceptually parallel. Smell has no tangibility (leis bei mamasha) since it has no substance, and the flask is considered empty and cannot be said to be an accessory to the scent. 

What essentially is the discussion here in the Gemara? The Rogatchover sees it as being predicated upon the tension between the tangible and the intangible realms. Scent here is classified as belonging to the spiritual realm. It is not tangible or concrete at all, and halachically it is viewed as being the only sense that is a sensory tool of the soul, as opposed to being a sensory faculty of the body. (This is why on Saturday night, at the closing of Shabbos, we smell spices to comfort the soul as we head into the lesser holiness of the week.) This, then, is the point. Is smell part of our reality? Are nontangible items viewed as determinants in our decisions and perspectives? If they are, then the smell of the oil in the flask should be viewed as being “something,” albeit less than the shiur. If that is so, then the two cases are conceptually parallel and we can build a corollary from one case to the other. That would dictate that just as when one carries out food in a jar one is patur (exempt), since the jar is considered to be an accessory to the food and the food itself lacks the minimum requirement, so too when one carries out a scented flask without actually having scented oil inside, one should be patur, since again, one cannot be liable for the jar being that it is an accessory of the scent. If scent is not viewed as part of our considerations, and halachah only deals with tangible factors, then fragrance is not considered an entity and the flask is properly defined as being empty, thus ending any hopes of building a comparison between the two cases. 

Peppery Potential 

Another expression of this battle of perspectives is in a Mishnah in Uktzin 3:6. The Mishnah records a dispute between Beis Shammai and Beis Hillel regarding black cumin (katzach). Shammai says it is tahor (ritually pure) and not susceptible to tumah (ritual impurity) since it is not considered a food, as it is too harsh and bitter to eat. Hillel says it is susceptible to tumah since it is able to be eaten. On the surface they seem to be arguing about the physical existence of cumin and disputing a factual truth, which is not considered to be an optimal way of understanding halachah and Talmud (ein machlokes b’metziyus). However, our analysis will shed light on this strange, seemingly factual, dispute. In order to do so, we must first avail ourselves of another statement from the Talmud. The Talmud in Berachos 40a states: What is katzach? Rabbi Chama the son of Chanina said, one who eats a lot of cumin (katzach) will not experience illness or heart pains. Rabi Shimon ben Gamliel then asked, but katzach is recorded as being one of 60 plants that hasten death? The resolution in the Talmud is that one of the teachings (that katzach averts pain and illness) was stated regarding its taste, and the other (that katzach hastens death) was concerning its smell. The smell is harsh and hastens death, whereas the taste is healthy and wholesome. That being the case, Beis Shammai holds that black cumin is not susceptible to tumah since its smell is harsh and unhealthy and not fit for consumption; whereas Beis Hillel holds that we only consider tangible factors, and since smell is intangible it is not a factor. Thus we only consider the taste, and the taste is healthy and fit for consumption. Therefore it is susceptible to tumah since it is halachically considered a food. 

Alcoholic Abstraction 

This essential argument between these two schools is also reflected in the following Gemara in Berachos 43b: If one has wine (which he intends to drink) and scented oil (which he intends to smell) in front of him, he should take the oil in his right hand and the wine in his left hand. He should then make a blessing on the oil, smell it and then make a blessing on the wine and drink it. This is the opinion of Beis Shammai. Beis Hillel says the opposite: One should take the wine in his right hand and the oil in his left, make a blessing on the wine and then proceed to the oil. The explanation given by the commentaries is that Beis Shammai holds that the blessing on the oil takes precedence (and thus is held in the right hand) since the pleasure gained from it is immediate and does not require an action on one’s part, whereas the wine’s pleasure is only once one drinks it and digests it. Beis Hillel, however, reasons that wine, which is consumed by the body, is more significant than oil, which is merely smelled, therefore the blessing on the wine takes precedence. This does not explain, however, why Hillel holds that tangible intake of pleasure (consumption of the wine) is more significant than intangible intake of pleasure (smelling)? Additionally, what does Shammai say to Hillel’s point about consumption of pleasure versus merely smelling pleasure? According to our analysis it is clear. Hillel holds that tangible pleasure is more significant than intangible pleasure in accordance with his world view that tangible factors are the primary determinants, as opposed to intangible factors. Shammai retorts that quite the contrary, intangible and abstract factors are the primary determinants. Thus the oil (merely smelling) takes precedence. 

The Solidity of the Sotah Water 

There is a debate in the Talmud about how much of G-d’s name needs to be erased before we force the sotah to drink the sotah water. Beis Hillel says at least two letters (the first yud and the first hei) need to be erased. Beis Shammai says even one letter is enough to compel the drinking of the water (Yerushalmi Sotah 2:4). Elsewhere in the Gemara there is an inquiry concerning how many letters a Sefer Torah must possess in order to retain its status of sanctity. We know from the oral tradition that it needs 85 letters, but the Rabbis weren’t sure if the 85 letters needed to be together, or even if they are all from different parts of a Torah scroll (Shabbos 115b). In addition, there is an argument about how many extra letters invalidate a mezuzah—whether even just one or at least two extra letters are required to make it passul (Menachos 32b). What is the thread running through these questions? The commonality they all share is that they all revolve around the identity and character of a single letter. In the Hebrew language there are no one-letter words. A word can be composed of even two letters, but a single letter can never be a word. That being so, perhaps a letter does not have its own inherent identity? Maybe it can never be. Or perhaps there is some intrinsic meaning to a letter on its own and it is considered to be its own halachic entity, notwithstanding its deep-seated need to pair with another letter in order to form a word. Although seemingly disconnected, this is actually the same debate that we saw regarding the sotah waters. 

Shammai says that even if only one letter of G-d’s name was erased, it is sufficient to activate the full status of sotah. Shammai says this because in his view a single letter is its own entity, and thus by erasing even one letter from G-d’s name, one has fragmented the name of G-d and the sanctity of the document has been destroyed. Hillel disagrees. One letter on its own is nothing, and is merely a part of the whole. Therefore, by erasing only one letter from G-d’s name you have not erased a significant entity and therefore the sanctity of G-d’s name is still there. Consequently, the sotah waters were not activated and the woman is not forced to drink and may still recant. Obviously, this is also the debate regarding a mezuzah. If one letter has intrinsic identity, then even one extra letter adds to the mezuzah scroll and invalidates it. This also applies to the “85-letters argument.” If a single letter stands on its own conceptually and halachically, then the 85-letter requirement can be satisfied from 85 single letters. If a letter is not its own entity, then the 85 must be comprised of paired letters. 

What does all this have to do with the differing Weltanschauungs of Shammai and Hillel? Well, if tangibility is the primary determinant of halachah and reality, then a single letter would not stand on its own. This is because in concrete terms and from an empirical viewpoint, a single letter can never contain content or meaning. Thus, a single letter on its own is not considered its own entity. If, however, as Shammai asserts, intangibility and spiritual elements are factors to be reckoned with, then a single letter does stand on its own. This is because spiritually each letter of the Hebrew alphabet contains intrinsic and individualized holiness and metaphorical and symbolical meaning. 

This whole subject is further amplified in light of how the Rogatchover understands the infusion of holiness into G-d’s name. The Yerushalmi in Berachos 5:1 states: If a scribe was writing a Sefer Torah and was in middle of writing the name of G-d, then even if the king himself asks him a question, he is not allowed to respond. Rambam codifies this in Hilchos Tefillin 1:15: If one was writing a Torah and did not have full intent when writing G-d’s name (kasav shelo lishmah), the entire Torah is invalid. Therefore, if a scribe is in middle of writing G-d’s name, he should not even respond to the king. Simply speaking, the reason is that by responding to the king the scribe is partially distracted and not able to have full concentration on writing G-d’s name. Yet, why can’t the scribe stop writing, respond and then continue writing G-d’s name? This way he could have full concentration while writing G-d’s name, with only a short intermission between starting to write and finishing the name. The reason the Rogatchover offers is that G-dliness is not able to be compartmentalized. What this means is that the name of G-d in a Torah is expressing and constitutes an actual embodiment of G-dliness. G-dliness is not an existence given to fragmentation and disparate parts. Thus, since it is absolute and not able to be partitioned, the physical letters of the name of G-d in which this G-dliness will be revealed and communicated to the world) must also be one and absolute. 

We can ask, however, why can’t the tangible expression be dissimilar in its character from the idea and truth it carries and embodies? This is because from the perspective of Torah and halachah the physical must resonate and be a transparent conduit through which G-dliness will flow into the world. There can be no friction between the physical and the G-dly. Therefore the physical letters (that are the expressers of the Divine truth inherent in the name of G-d) must reflect in their physical character the G-dly characteristics of Divine truth. They therefore cannot be written in a fragmented manner. Thus we find that the authentic way of writing G-d’s name was by holding four quills in between the five fingers and writing all four letters of G-d’s name at the same time. The knowledge of how to perform this maneuver was known by one man who refused to share it with others, bringing down the condemnation of the Sages upon him. This explains an intriguing halachic discrepancy. The halachah is that one is not allowed to write on Shabbos. How much does one need to write in order to have transgressed this Biblical prohibition? The halachah is that writing two letters violates the Biblical directive not to write. Yet Yerushalmi Shabbos 13:1 states that “all agree that regarding writing G-d’s name, one has not transgressed until he writes the complete name of G-d (more than two letters).” What is the reason for this legislative inconsistency concerning writing G-d’s name? After writing a yud and hei (the first two letters of G-d’s name) one should be liable to the full extent of the law! 

Our analysis on the nature of the relationship between G-dliness and the letters of G-d’s name, however, sheds light on this enigma. Since the letters of G-d’s name are not given to fragmentation and disparateness, therefore, by only writing two letters of G-d’s name one has not written anything. The letters existentially do not stand on their own and are viewed as an entity only in their complete state of all four letters of G-d’s name together. 

 Domestic Dualities 

This distinction remains valid in another important controversy, regarding the relationship between two women who were both married to a man who died childless. Generally, the deceased’s brother would have a mitzvah to marry one of his brother’s widows. There are situations, however, where a brother may be exempt from yibum (marrying his brother’s widow) or chalitzah (performing the ritual that releases his brother’s widow). One such case is if the brother is related to the widow in a way such that yibum would constitute a Biblically forbidden relationship — an “issur ervah” (see Yevamos 3b). The first Mishnah in Yevamos lists those cases where the widow would be forbidden to the brother but was not forbidden to the deceased. What about the other wives? If only one of the deceased’s wives is forbidden to the brother, does that automatically exempt all the other wives? There is a disagreement. Shammai permits the nonrelated widows to marry the brother, and Beis Hillel forbids it (Mishnah Yevamos 1:4). According to Beis Shammai, from a legal point of view there is no point in linking the fate of the widows together. The widow who is his wife’s sister cannot enter into a Levirate marriage with him because it is a prohibited marriage, while the other widows are autonomous and can marry the brother of the deceased. Beis Hillel holds the opposite: the two women are not autonomous; their status is conditional on their being the ex-wives of the same deceased man and their destinies continue to be interconnected. What is the core matter being debated? Beis Shammai holds that even though one of the wives is forbidden to the brother, this does not affect the other wife. Why is this, though? The Talmud in Yevamos 3b states that the other widows are released from any obligation to the brother if any one of them is forbidden to the brother.  Shammai, however, doesn’t view the prohibited wife as even existent (ervah abrai kayma), that we would then be able to say that due to her unavailability she exempts the other wives. Since she is assur (forbidden) she is not even considered to be in front of the court. This is because the issur is not peripheral or secondary, but rather, an issur is laid onto the very essence of the forbidden item or person. This is, of course, a more abstract and intangible “take” on the nature of an issur. Hillel, on the other hand, views the related and forbidden widow as being here and existent in the case, just that the issur prevents her from marrying the deceased’s brother. This is in keeping with Hillel’s tangible and grounded worldview.

 Categorical Colors

The Gemara in Chullin 136b brings a machlokes (dispute) between Shammai and Hillel regarding different colored figs. The halachah is that one cannot take terumah (one of five different types of tithes a Jew had to take from his produce) from one species of produce for another. So, for example, one could not take a tithe of oranges to permit apples, etc. Each plant, vegetable or fruit had to have the tithe separated from it to make the rest of that species of produce permitted for consumption.  Here the Gemara asks, what about taking terumah from black figs in order to exempt and de-sanctify white figs? Is that permissible? Beis Shammai says no and Beis Hillel says yes. This is a dispute revolving around the tangible versus intangible question. What is color? Is it merely an accessory part of an item, or is it an absolute existence? Rambam in Moreh Nevuchim 1:73 discusses the nature of color. He brings the opinions of the Mutakallemim that color is intrinsic to physical matter. They say that if one takes snow, for example, the white color is there in every piece of snow and is part of its very existence. Rambam, however, rejects their opinion and says that one sees that when things are ground down into tiny flecks and turn into powder the color is gone. Therefore, color is only part of the whole and not existent in the individual parts. At any rate, we see that there are differing perspectives on the nature of color. According to some it is merely a superficial layer of existence while others view it as being firmly part of the item that it is coloring. This, then, is the debate about black and white figs. According to Hillel, we permit the taking of terumah from black to white, because the different colors are not important and significant enough to make us consider the black and white figs as different species of produce. This is because the colors are only skin deep and not reflective of the essence of the figs. This, in turn, is because Hillel is grounded in concrete reality, which allows Hillel to see that different colors are simply just that, and not existential divides. Shammai, however, considers the differently colored figs to be different types of fruit. Therefore, one cannot take terumah from one to the other. This is the result of Shammai’s abstract perspective that different colors actually create a different category. 

Sinai and Harim/Quixotic Quality 

Another instance of the Talmud’s preference can be seen in Horayos 14a: Rabbi Shimon ben Gamliel and the Rabbis debated. One said that sinai is a superior quality in learning, while the other side said oker harim is a finer trait. Who is a man embodying sinai qualities? Rav Yosef. Who is a man embodying oker harim abilities? Rabbah. They sent the debate to the east (Eretz Yisrael) for a resolution and the answer sent back was, sinai (vast knowledge) is superior. Sinai verus oker harim is essentially a debate on quality versus quantity. Sinai, which is broad global knowledge, is equivalent to quantity of knowledge. Oker harim, which is localized sharp thinking, is equivalent to quality of thought. With this in mind, we can uncover a further layer of depth, which is that quantity versus quality is, at its core, a debate about tangibility versus intangibility. Quantity is a tangible and quantifiable (the very word implies concrete objective data) factor. It is a physical reality of having more. For example, the concept that majority rules, since there are more people who hold a certain view, is a concept predicated upon tangible, readily observed phenomena. Quality, on the other hand, is a whole different beast. It is nonconcrete and intangible. Although the majority wants a certain approach, if the minority is smarter and more experienced, follow them, says quality. We now come back to sinai versus harim. This is yet another place where the Talmud makes clear its position that tangible factors must outweigh (for the time being; see later) intangible elements. Hence sinai is superior, hence quantity is superior (i.e., majority rules in halachic decision-making), and hence tangible and physical phenomena must be of primary consideration to us, while spiritual factors are of secondary importance. 

What does this have to do with Shammai and Hillel? The Talmud in Yevamos 14a records that Beis Shammai held the high ground in terms of superior thinkers and scholars, while Beis Hillel had a larger number of scholars and Torah legislators. Beis Hillel, however, followed its own opinions l’halachah (practically). This was an astonishing phenomenon, when one considers that Beis Hillel knew and acknowledged Beis Shammai’s superior caliber of scholars and legislators! Yet according to our analysis, it was a phenomenon that makes perfect sense. Since Hillel held the view that tangible factors must always trump intangible ones, they concluded that their quantity of scholars outweighed the quality of Shammai’s. 

The Sin of Following Shammai’s Rulings 

The Talmud in Berachos 58b relates the following: Rav Pappa and Rav Huna were walking along a road and they met Rabbi Chanina. Rabbi Chanina proceeded to make the blessing of chacham harazim, telling them that they are as wise as and equal to 600,000 people in his eyes. They then rebuked him, saying, “Are you indeed this smart and knowledgeable [to make such a character judgment]?” A short time later, Rabbi Chanina died. What is the deeper meaning of this enigmatic story? Rabbi Chanina was a follower of Shammai. He subscribed to their worldview. He therefore felt that since they were as wise as 600,000 people, he could make a blessing. Even though the required number of people to make the blessing was not gathered together, qualitatively there was the requisite amount of wisdom. 

Tangible Torah 

Whom does halachah follow? Who has the final say? It turns out that it’s not so simple. Although intangible and spiritual factors are considered to be a stronger reality, as we will see in a discussion about the era of Moshiach, tangibility is closer to the human experience, and as such is the primary determinant in the decisionmaking processes of Torah. Since Torah is a system for dealing with our physical world and since physicality is a stronger reality to us, therefore it is the main factor in halachah. In light of this, consider the following halachah (Yerushalmi Yuma 6:1). If one has two animals he can use for a korban, but one is stronger and of superior stock while the other simply looks better aesthetically, which one is he to bring? The one that is stronger physically is the preferred animal and is used as the korban. The requirement regarding korbanos is to bring the best animal. Here we are faced with a decision in which one animal is superior physically while the other is superior in matters that are not as concrete. Take the tangibly superior one, says the Torah, thus informing us that when we need to make a decision, we should use tangibility as our main measuring stick of reality. 

Messianic Times 

The Rogatchover’s pinpointing of the fundamentally different approaches related to spirituality versus tangibility can be applied to the well-known and fascinating assertion that in the times of the Moshiach the halachah will switch to be in accordance with Beis Shammai (Mikdash Melech to Zohar, Vol. I, 17b). In day-to-day life we grant supremacy to the tangible and material while intangible factors are only accorded secondary status. However, when Moshiach comes it will be a time of, as the Rambam says (Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Melachim 12:5): “The Jews will be great sages, and know the hidden matters;” (Mishneh Torah, loc. cit. 11:4): “Moshiach will perfect the entire world;” and (Isaiah 11:9): “They will neither harm nor destroy on all my holy mountain, for the earth will be full of the knowledge of the L-rd as the waters cover the sea [bed].” When Moshiach comes, our spectrum of reality will be elevated to a more refined and subtler level. Spiritual and intangible truths will resonate even within our physical spectrum. The halachic switch to Shammai will be an instinctive natural gravitation instead of a conscious legislative effort. The fragrance of the small vessel being carried on Shabbos will seem real and practical, the intrinsic independent identity of a single letter will be clear, and the validity of subscribing to a spiritual-based worldview will seem compelling and precise


It Is All Worth It

Shmuel Yosef Agnon, a Nobel Prize laureate writer and one of the central figures of modern Hebrew fiction, visited the Rogatchover and wrote the following: 

I went into his room and found him suffering immensely from his sickness. When he noticed me he started to pour out his heart to me. “I am afraid,” he said, “that all my suffering is a result of my not being respectful enough of the Rishonim. All my days I immersed myself in the Rambam’s Mishneh Torah; it was my central focus and toil and even when I learnt other Rishonim, I only studied them to gain more understanding and perspective of the Rambam’s approach.” “He then started to cry,” continued Agnon, “and yelled out,” “Where are the other masters of the Torah? Where are Rashi and Tosafot? Where are the Raavan and the Ri? What have I done? Why did I not put effort into understanding and expounding upon their words? It is because of this I am being punished.”

 He was silent for a bit, and then a spirit of calm settled over him. “It is all worth it,” he declared suddenly. “If I am suffering because of my connection and bond to the Rambam I accept the pain joyously!”

The Issur Of Ribui Nashim

Rabbeinu [Tshuvos 1/20] makes a chakirah: Is the איסור for a king to marry more than 18 wives on the מעשה נישואין or to have more than 18 wives.

Nafka Minah: If he married the women before he became king. If the איסור is the מעשה נישואין then he can keep them because he did no מעשה נישואין באיסור. But if the איסור is not to have more than 18 wives then he must divorce his wives over the 18 mark.

Another Nafka Minah: When he marries his 19th wife is only the last wife forbidden to him [because he did a מעשה נישואין באיסור] or are all of the women forbidden to him equally [because now they can all be considered number 19].

The Chinuch says to divorce number 19, implying that SHE ALONE is the חפצא דאיסורא. Otherwise he should have said to divorce any one of the women. Nafka Minah #2 is resolved. Only #19 is forbidden.

Based on the Chinuch - we can also resolve the first Nafka Minah. Since only wife #19 is the חפצא דאיסורא and the איסור is not to HAVE 19 wives but the מעשה נישואין - if he became king with more than 18 wives he may keep them. 

See Mishnas Chaim [Devarim 88] and listen here and here.          

יום שבת, 18 בפברואר 2017

Recollections

Noach Zvuluni 

I was in the presence of the Rogatchover Gaon, author of Tzafnas Paneiach on the Rambam’s Yad and tractates of Shas, for an entire year. This was 1932-1933 in Dvinsk, Latvia. I studied in the yeshiva that had been founded in that city.

I entered Latvia from Poland illegally, and thanks to the Agudas Israel representative to the Latvian parliament, R’ Mordechai Dubin (who perished in prison in the Soviet Union during World War II), I was given permission to remain in Latvia.

The rav of Dvinsk, Rabbi Yosef Rosen, who is known as the Rogatchover in the Torah world, never led a yeshiva or gave smicha. He would stand on his feet day and night with an open Gemara in front of him on a small lectern and learn Torah or respond to halachic queries that came to him from all over the world.

The Rogatchover would answer briefly on a postcard. He did not check out the questioner and most of the thousands of inquiries were made by people he did not know.

Aside from his greatness in Torah, Halacha, Agada, poskim, etc., there was another reason people turned to him. Since people heard that he responded to everyone, all kinds of people wrote to him, some wanting his autograph for an album. They often asked him foolish questions, and he, in his wisdom, answered them. His wife, who was learned and knew several languages, was the one who addressed the postcards.

STAMPS AND POSTCARDS

The Rogatchover’s material circumstances were poor. The Jewish community in Dvinsk was impoverished and did not receive government assistance. For this reason, he thought twice about every letter he responded to. Those who included a stamp solved the financial problem, but most correspondents did not know of his impecunious state. He would calculate and affix a stamp that was half of what the postcard required, and the recipient, by law, had to pay the rest.

His Tzafnas Paneiach, despite meaning unlocking that which is hidden, is still rather obscure till this day, even to great scholars. It was written with great brevity and with subtle references. It is full of ayeinim – look here, look there, with sources cited without explanation.

In recent years, R’ Menachem Kasher and R’ Moshe Grossberg of Yerushalayim have been working to explain his teachings. However, one who was in his presence knows how to differentiate between the Rogatchover’s written Torah and his oral Torah. The Rogatchover had an outstanding ability to explain things. He explained everything in a logical and simple manner. Most of his chiddushim that were publicized, and even those that have not yet been published, were taken from notes that he wrote as he learned in the margins of his old Gemara.

If one visited his humble abode one saw that he did not possess a large library as other rabbanim did. He managed with a small shelf that contained a Shas, a Rambam (whom he referred to as “my Rebbi”), Turim, and some Rishonim. Opposite the shelf with s’farim was a large pile of s’farim that he did not use and did not even look at. These were Acharonim and other s’farim that were sent to him to be critiqued.

His clever sayings were oft repeated by the masses, especially in the world of the yeshivos. His sharp remarks about many of the G’dolei HaTorah of his generation and even of previous generations did not generally arouse animosity.

The Rogatchover, who lived a life of material deprivation, was very particular about not making long-distance calls from his home. In Dvinsk there was a monthly charge for phone usage which was unlimited except for long-distance calls, each of which was marked down and required payment.

I once was witness to the following. The gabbai of the Planover shul where the Rogatchover davened, Mr. Vafsi (the father of Dr. Vafsi, one of the doctors accused in Stalin’s Doctors’ Plot), came into the house and asked to use the phone. Permission was granted, but the Rogatchover motioned to me to come over and he said to me, “Koidonover (which is what he called me after the city I came from), please see to it that Vafsi does not call Riga.”

DIN TORAH

R’ Yosef Rosen’s conversations were those of a real talmid chacham. His mundane talk was a mix of Divrei Halacha and Agada, and this was true all his life. He told me about a famous Din Torah that dragged on for a long time about an astronomic sum of money, which ended with a compromise between the two sides. The beis din was comprised of three g’dolim including the Rogatchover, the rav of Shavli R’ Meir Atlas, and the famous R’ Chaim Brisker (Soloveitchik) or R’ Chaim Ozer Grodzenski of Vilna.

After the two sides agreed to compromise, they took out money with which to pay the members of the Beis Din, but R’ Meir and R’ Chaim refused to accept it. The Rogatchover, on the other hand, took the money and he demonstrated for me how he swept the money off the table and put it in his pocket saying: There is an explicit Gemara to take it as it says, “A deaf-mute, a mental deficient and a minor etc.” Regarding the mentally deficient it says in Chagiga Daf 4, “Who is a shoteh? One who destroys what he is given.” The question is asked, we would expect it to say that he destroys that which he has, not that which he is given. From here we see that if one is given and he refuses to take, he is called a shoteh and I don’t want to be included in that category.

THE LETTER AND THE SIGNATURE

The Rogatchover feared no one, not even his supporters. With my own eyes I saw the head of the k’hilla bring him a letter about an important communal matter that needed the Rogatchover’s signature. The Rogatchover took the pen and the stamp and stamped in the middle of the letter saying: Up till here I am an agreement with what it says in the letter and I’ve signed. From this point and on, I disagree and I won’t sign. The head of the k’hilla’s importuning him was to no avail.

There has yet to be a biography about the Rogatchover that conveys his greatness in Torah and in all areas of wisdom and Jewish thought. Nothing was concealed from him. His mouth uttered pearls and he had complete mastery of Talmud Bavli, Yerushalmi, Rambam, etc., word by word and letter by letter.

It once happened that while talking in learning he momentarily forgot what Rashi says in a certain place. He immediately stamped his foot and said: “One who forgets something from his learning is considered as liable for his life (Avos 3:10).” But then he immediately remembered it and went on to quote the Rashi.

Even in other matters, his whole world was one of Torah. In Dvinsk it was customary to collect money twice a year for the poor of the city – before Pesach for the holiday, and at the beginning of the winter for firewood. The Jewish community asked the Rogatchover to announce to the public at large to donate at the bi-annual appeal so that the poor would be able to withstand the bitter cold. The Rogatchover agreed and publicized an announcement asking people to contribute. The announcement was pithy and replete with Torah sources about the danger of cold weather.

MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE

The Rogatchover was very knowledgeable in medical matters from his expertise in Talmud where all sorts of illnesses and cures are mentioned. For example, when he needed an urgent operation, after his personal doctor, the famous surgeon Professor Mintz of Riga, examined him and diagnosed the illness, R’ Rosen tried to argue with him by quoting a Yerushalmi about the course of the illness. He said that according to the Yerushalmi the surgery needed to be done elsewhere and not where the professor said it should be done. Prof. Mintz, who remembered the learning of his youth, got up and said: Obviously I won’t argue with the Yerushalmi. I suggest that the Yerushalmi operate on the rav, and not I.

Rabbanim and talmidim of yeshivos abroad who visited Dvinsk would come to the home of the Rogatchover. Some were afraid to go in and asked to be escorted and introduced.

One Shabbos, I accompanied R’ Gronem Landau, one of the outstanding students of Kamenitz in Lithuania who is today the head of Yeshivas HaDarom in Rechovos. I introduced him to the Rogatchover, and after a polite exchange I left for yeshiva as R’ Landau remained behind.

On Motzaei Shabbos I met R’ Landau who said that the Rogatchover was looking for me. I was a bit nervous because the Rogatchover was suspicious of people illicitly taking s’farim from him (he didn’t have anything else …) and I went to him right away.

When he saw me, he took off his warm coat and put it on my shoulders and said, “Koidonover, the winter is in full force and you go about without a coat. Take my coat. I don’t have money to buy you a new coat but if there is no choice, this will do fine.”

I could not refuse, because one may not refuse a great man and I had to take it. Till today, I still have it as a keepsake.

TZADDIK AND CHASSID

R’ Shila Refael, rav of Kiryat Moshe in Yerushalayim and the grandson of R’ Yehuda Leib Fishman (Maimon), told me an interesting story which shows the Rogatchover’s greatness and his quick grasp. It was when the Turks ruled Palestine, when every Jew who was not born in Eretz Yisroel expected to be expelled. Many of those who were born abroad swore they were born in Eretz Yisroel and that satisfied the Turks.

The rabbanim in Eretz Yisroel discussed whether it was halachically permitted to make this false oath. R’ Fishman and R’ Abba Citron, rav of Petach Tikva, who was the Rogatchover’s son-in-law, asked the rav of Dvinsk, R’ Rosen. The answer he wrote them said merely: It is surely permissible, see K’subos daf 75.

On that page it says on the verse (T’hillim 87), “And of Zion it shall be said, this man and that man was born in her, for the Most High Himself will establish her,” that Rav Maisha, the son of the son of Rebbi Yehoshua ben Levi said, “one who is born in it and one who anticipates seeing it.” Rashi there says, “One who anticipates seeing it is called one of its children.”

In addition to his greatness in Torah, the Rogatchover was a tzaddik and Chassid. There were things he was exceedingly particular about. He did not look at women, even unmarried women. When he walked to shul he walked in the gutter and not on the sidewalk, lest he encounter a woman and be forced to look at her.

He did not discuss with youngsters those Halachos which pertain to man and wife. If a youngster went to him and wanted to talk about these topics, the Rogatchover would immediately ask him whether he was married or not.

These are just a few glimpses into the life of a great man of Israel, a man of luminous countenance whose face shone like that of a heavenly angel.

יום שישי, 17 בפברואר 2017

נחמה כפולה

 על דברי הנביא ישעיהו: "נחמו נחמו עמי גו'" מבאר הגאון הרוגוצ'ובי ז"ל, שנחמתו של ישעיהו כפולה 'נחמו נחמו' היות ולעתיד לבוא בביאת המשיח ובבנין בית המקדש השלישי תהיה נחמה כפולה, שבבית המקדש יהיו 'שני המעלות' גם של בית המקדש הראשון וגם של בית המקדש השני. והמעלה בכל אחד מבתי המקדש הוא, ש"בבית [ה]ראשון הוה כלל, ולכן כל זמן שלא כבשו כל הארץ לא נתקדשה". וזוהי הסיבה שבמקדש הראשון 'הוה הכל' היו בו כל המעלות כולל הארון והאורים ותומים. ואילו בבית שני היו חסרים בו חמשה דברים ועל דרך ההבדל בין לוחות הראשונות ללוחות שניות, "דלוחות [ה]ראשונות הוה התורה מציאות אחת ובטל אחד בטל ח"ו הכל", ואילו בלוחות שניות "הוה כל התורה מצטרפת". וזהו שאמר ישעיהו הנביא פעמיים 'נחמו נחמו' היינו דלעתיד לבא יהיו שני הגדרים, גדר עצם וגדר הצטרפות על כל המשתמע מכך; המעלה דבית ראשון והמעלה דבית שני.

[עי' צפנת פענח עמ' 117-118. ועי' מהר"ל ספר התפארת פ' י"א שהמצות פרטים והתורה כלל אחד וזה הפירוש "כי נר מצוה ותורה אור" ע"ש ודוק. ועי' בזה גם בס' אורות התורה]. 

דין תורה בין יהודייה לגויה

ר' יאיר בורוכוב
שטורעם

היום חל יום היארצייט השני של הרב נתן נטע ברכהן ע"ה. אינני מתיימר לתאר אותו, או לתת קווים לדמותו, אלא רק להאיר נקודה אחת באישיותו, וכפי שיצא לי להיחשף אליו, כאחד מגדולי מספרי הסיפורים ומעתיקי השמועה בדור האחרון.

באופן אישי יצא לי לשוחח עמו רבות בנוגע לספר שכתבתי על הגאון רבי יוסף רוזין זצ"ל, הרוגוצ'ובי.

לא פעם ולא פעמיים נפגשנו אם בביתו או בבית הכנסת בשיכון חב"ד לוד, בבית הכנסת בנחלת הר חב"ד, בשעת רעווא דרעווין, והייתי מפריע לו באמצע אמירת חת"ת ורמב"ם בכדי להציל מפיו עוד סיפור או שביב סיפור. תמיד ידעתי שהרב ברכהן "יספק את הסחורה", וידלה ממעמקי זכרונו הצלול סיפור רלוונטי. מדהים כיצד מעולם לא חזר על אף סיפור אותו סיפר לי קודם. גם אם היה זה בהפרש של חודשים, ואפילו שנה. כאילו זכר את מה שסיפר לי לפני שנה, והמשיך מאותה נקודה בדיוק בה סיים לפני חודשים.

פעם שאל אותי לשם משפחתי, וכאשר השבתי לו, שאל אותי האם אני נכדו של ר' אברהם בורוכוב ע"ה. השבתי לו בחיוב. אז החל הרב ברכהן, כאילו הכין זאת שבוע מראש, לשחזר מראשו סיפורים על גבי סיפורים, מפורטים ומדויקים, על מעשי החסד של סבי ע"ה בסמרקנד. התפלאתי כיצד אדם שלא הוכן לכך מראש מצליח לשלוף זכרונות כה מדויקים, ברגע כמימרא. אך עם הזמן הלכה והתבהרה אצלי תמיהה זו. הרב ברכהן ניחן בזכרון פנומנלי ובכשרון נדיר להעביר סיפור, זיכרון, מעשה.

לעיתים היה הרב ברכהן נסחף בסיפורי חסידים, אז היו מתקבצים מפה ומשם מרחבי בית הכנסת ומאזינים לדבריו עד שהשמש שקעה ויצאו הכוכבים, והגבאי היה מכה על שולחן בית הכנסת. "מעריב!".

"נמשיך בפעם הבאה", היה אומר הרב ברכהן בחיוך, ועיניו הביעו מבע פקחות וחכמה של יהודי שראה כה רבות בחייו. או אז הייתה נפרדת החבורה משעה של הפלגה אל ימים עברו, ומתכנסת בתוך עצמה. שבה אל המציאות.

קיבצתי כאן מספר סיפורים ששמעתי מהרב ברכהן סביב הגאון מרוגצ'וב (כידוע היה הגאון מרוגצ'וב מבקר לעיתים קרובות בריגא, מקום מגוריו של הרב ברכהן באותם ימים, וכן לעת זקנותו עד לפטירתו עת כיהן כרבה הראשי של לטביה), אחד מהם אף נוגע בו אישית, ואני מביא אותם כאן לתועלת הקוראים, ותהי זו התרומה הצנועה שלי לזכרו של הרב ברכהן ע"ה.

שאלה בגיל 7

"פעם הגיע הגאון לריגא", סיפר הרב ברכהן, "הייתי ילד בן שבע או שש. כילד, אני זוכר את כל המתפללים מצטופפים סביבו לאחר התפילה ואת גדולי התלמידי חכמים בעיר מעמיסים עליו שאלות הלכתיות, בגמרא, רמב"ם, ירושלמי, בבלי וכו'. הגאון משיב לכל אחד. מתפתחים פלפולים, מראי מקומות נזרקים באוויר. ובית המדרש היה כולו כמרקחה.

רציתי גם אני לנסות את כוחי. כילד הרגשתי דחף עצום להשתלב בכל המעמד הזה, והזדחלתי מתחת רגלי האנשים שהצטופפו סביב הגאון, עד שהגעתי למקומו. רק יצאתי מתחת רגלי אחד האנשים, ומרצפה התרוממתי, ומיד הנה אני עומד מול דמותו של הגאון מרוגצ'וב. "מה אתה רוצה ילד?", הוא שאל אותי בחדות, ואני עניתי לו "יש לי שאלה בתוספות בבא מציעא". "מה השאלה?", הגאון שאל אותי, ואני הצבעתי לו על המקום המוקשה בעיני. הגאון החל להסביר לי את התוספות ("כמובן שלא הבנתי מאומה מדבריו"), ומיד התפתח לו בבית הכנסת פלפול תורני מעמיק על דברי התוספות".
איזהו עשיר

בעקבות היותו עילוי גדול, הוצעו לרוגאצ'ובי שידוכים של בנות יהודים עשירים. אירע פעם שהזדמן עם אחד שליווהו לאחד המקומות המרכזיים בעיר וורשא, ואת פניהם קידמה מהומה גדולה. השניים שאלו את אחד מעוברי האורח לפשר הבהלה שאחזה במקום, השיב הלה בנוקבו בשמו של אחד מעשירי ורשא שלפני שעה קלה מעד ושבר את רגלו.

הרהר הרוגאצ'ובי רגע קט ומיד נפלטה אמירה עוקצנית מפיו אשר הסגירה את הרהורי ליבו כלפי ההצעות המשחרות לפתחו באותם ימים מבתי עשירים. "אם בר-המזל העשיר יכול להיות "שלים-מזל" ולשבור רגל, אין לנו מה לעשות כאן", אמר מיד מיהר להסתלק מהמקום.
שנים אוחזין בטלית

היה יהודי בירושלים (שנלב"ע לפני למעלה מעשרים שנה) ושמו ר' מוישקה דער בעל עגלה. [=ר' משה בעל העגלה]. אותו יהודי התגורר בעיירה וישקי שהייתה מרוחקת מדווינסק - מקום מושבו של הגאון הרוגאצ'ובי, מרחק קילומטרים ספורים.

אותו בעל עגלה סיפר כי פעם פרצה בוישקי מחלוקת - הקצב של העיירה האשים את השוחט כי הוא מאכיל את בני העיירה נבלות וטריפות עקב אי הקפדתו בנושאי כשרות מסוימים. העיירה נחלקה בין תומכי השוחט לבין מתנגדיו ולא הצליחו להגיע לעמק השווה.

באין פתרון ליישב המחלוקת הוטל על ר' משה 'בעל עגלה', שעקב עבודתו היה מזדמן לדווינסק לעתים קרובות, לנסוע ולשטוח את צדדי הבעיה בפני הגאון הרוגאצ'ובי שהכרעתו תהיה מקובלת על כולם.

ר' משה עשה את דרכו לעבר דווינסק וכאשר הגיע אל פתח ביתו של הגאון עשה עצמו כאחד השואלים שאלה בנושא איסור והיתר שהייתה בידו. הגאון שמע והשיב לו את הדין, ולאחר שפסק לו את ההלכה פתח ר' משה את פיו והחל מספר לגאון על המתחולל בעיירה וישקי.

"העיירה חצויה" אמר העגלון לגאון "השוחט טוען כי נקי כפים הוא וכי מלאכתו לשם שמים ושחיטתו כשרה. הקצב מאידך טוען כי השוחט מאכיל את העיר נבילות וטריפות, ובני המקום אינם יודעים כיצד לנהוג" סיכם משה את הסוגיה.

הגאון הביט על משה העגלון והשיב לו מיד:

"נאמר בתורה 'וספרה לה שבעת ימים'. התורה האמינה לדברי האשה כי טהורה היא לאחר שעשתה את כל המתבקש ממנה בדיני טהרה. אם האמינה התורה לכל אשה מבלי לבדוק אם דוברת היא אמת או לא, כל שכן שנאמין לשוחט שקיבל סמיכה מרבנים חשובים". סיים הגאון את הפסק שלו, ובפתח הדלת נעמדו שני אנשים.

"גם אתם מוישקי?" שאל אותם הגאון תוך שהוא רץ אליהם בזריזות.

"לא, אנו לא מוישקי" השיבו לו השנים.

"אז מה אתם רוצים?".

"באנו לדין-תורה" השיבו והחלו להרצות את טענותיהם. "גיסתי שלחה לו טלית והוא לא רוצה לקבל" הצביע האחד מהם על חבירו.

באותם ימים, ימי מלחמת העולם, הוצאו אנשים רבים להורג. אותו אדם שעמד בפתח דלתו של הגאון זיהה בין ההרוגים הרבים את חברו משכבר הימים מעיר הולדתו, הוא נטל את גופתו והביא אותה אל קבר ישראל. אישתו של ההרוג ששמעה על הנעשה שלחה לו כאות תודה - טלית, שהייתה אז יקרת המציאות, על שהביא את בעלה לקבר ישראל. אך הוא לא רצה לקבלה: "קיימתי קבורת מת-מצווה שהיא מצווה גדולה ואיני מוכן לקבל עבורה תמורה" השיב בפסקנות.

גיסה של האלמנה עמד לדין-תורה מול אותו אדם שסרב לקבל את הטלית. "הוא אינו רוצה ליטול את הטלית המגיעה לו" הוא טען, והגאון החל להסתובב בחדר אנה ואנה.

"אל תקח, אל תקח" פנה בחדות אל אותו אדם, ואז המשיך, "כיצד זיהית את הנפטר שהוא אכן אותו אדם שהנך מכיר? בוודאי באמצעות בגדיו שהיוו עבורך סימן. הרי יודעים אנו שבגדים אינם סימן, כפי שאירע אצל יעקב אבינו שהביאו לו את כתונת יוסף טבולה בדם, למרות שיוסף עצמו היה חי, הרי לך שבגד אינו סימן", סיים הגאון שוב, "אל תקח את הטלית".

"מה עם כסף למצבה?" ניסה גיסה של האלמנה-עגונה את כוחו שוב, "אולי יטלו לפחות כסף עבור מצבה בכדי שנוכל להקים על קברו".

ושוב הישיר הגאון את מבטו ואמר לעומד מולו "אל תקח את הכסף", והמשיך את דבריו "אותה אשה רוצה שיעמידו את המצבה בכדי שתהיה בידה תמונה של הקבר עליו כתוב פה נטמן פלוני בן פלוני על מנת שתוכל להינשא בשנית, אך אנחנו לא נאפשר לה זאת, שהרי איננו יודעים בברור כי אלמנה היא, אל תקח את הכסף", סיים הגאון את פסקו.
לשקר אין רגלים

גם גויים היו מגיעים לגאון לדיני תורה. פעם הגיעו שתי נשים, גויה ויהודיה. הגויה טענה כי היהודיה חייבת לה סכום כסף, והיהודיה הכחישה מכל וכל. הגאון שמע את הטענות והחל להסתובב בחדר אנה ואנה. לבסוף פנה אל היהודיה בחשאי ואמר לה: "אל תתני לה את הכסף". האשה פלטה: "וודאי שלא אתן לה את הכסף, וכי טיפשה אני לתת לה?", אז הרים הגאון את עיניו ואמר לאשה שפיה הכשילה: "אם כך, את חייבת לה את הכסף, תני לו אותה".

יהי זכרו של אותו חסיד, ברוך.

יום חמישי, 16 בפברואר 2017

גדר איסור ריבוי נשים למלך

בדיני מלך ישראל: כתוב במשנה בסנהדרין [כ"א-א']: 'לא ירבה לו נשים אלא שמנה עשרה' 

יש לחקור בפרטי הלכה זו והגדרים שבזה, מהו האיסור למלך שלא ישא יותר מי"ט נשים, האם האיסור הוא המציאות, שלא יהא לו י"ט נשים, או שלא יקח לו י"ט נשים. 

וב' נפק"מ בזה: 

א. "אם הי' הדיוט [לא מלך] ונשא [בהיתר] י"ט [נשים] ואחר כך נעשה מלך – מאי?" האם צריך לגרש את כולם, או רק את האשה הי"ט, או שמא אין בכך איסור היות ולא עבר על כל איסור שהרי לא קידש אף אחת מהן אחר שנעשה מלך? 

ב. אם כן עבר ונשא יותר מי"ט נשים אם אז אסור בכולם, דשוב הוה הכל גדר י"ט. אבל מחמת נשואין יש לומר דרק האשה הי"ט שנשאה באיסור 'חייב לגרשה'? 

היינו שאם האיסור הוא ה'מציאות' של הוספת נשים על הי"ח הרי אם התחתן והוסיף על הי"ט, יש לומר שחייב לגרש את כל הי"ט נשים כי החיתון של מלך עם י"ט נשים נחשב כחטיבה אחת, ואם ננקוט שהאיסור הוא 'שלא יקח לו י"ט', הרי שרק את הנשים שהתחתן יותר מי"ח חייב לגרשם ולא כולם.

[מכת"י לסנהדרין דף כא ע"א, ע' ל"א בהוצאת 'צפנת פענח' נ"י בעריכת הרה"ג הרב מ"מ כשר ז"ל וספר "הרוגוצ'ובר".]

ומסתמא הדבר דומה לכהן גדול שאירס אלמנה ומכל שכן שנשא אלמנה בהיותו כהן הדיוט ונתמנה לכהן גדול שמותרת לו הואיל ובשעה שאירסה או נשאה היתה מותרת לו כדאיתא ביבמות דף ס"א במשנה. 

והגם דיש לחלק דשאני הכא גבי מלך דיש לחוש שמא רוב הנשים יסורו את לבבו אבל לגבי כהן גדול אין איסור נשיאת אלמנה אלא משום קדושה יתירה וזהו דוקא כשנשאה בהיותו כהן גדול ולא כשהיה כהן הדיוט. מכל מקום לא מסתבר שיהיה חייב להוציא מביתו את נשיו שיש לו מכבר לאחר שנתמנה למלך כי הנשים הללו מה חטאו, הלא בהיתר נישאו לזה, ודרכיה דרכי נועם כתיב.

ואין לדמות זאת לשאלת רבי ירמיה [חולין י"ז] אם אברי בשר נחירה שנשארו מהמדבר [והיו מותרים במדבר], מותרים לאחר שנכנסו לא"י [ואם שם היה היתר גם לאחר הכניסה לא"י וחלות האיסור, לכאורה ה"ה כאן] - כי שם לא היה שום איסור בעולם לאכול בשר נחירה משא"כ כאן שהאיסור של אלמנה לכה"ג היה בעולם כשנשא אותה בהיותו כהן הדיוט ואילו זה חמור יותר. [עפ"י ס' משנת אברהם על הסמ"ג מצות ל"ת רכ"ב עיי"ש].

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